pg 25- Moshe often says that clients get what they deserve from their architects. Buildings are only as good as their clients are purposeful, conscientious, persistent, and clear about what they hope to achieve. To the Skirball Cultural Center’s aspirations, Moshe Safdie has given voice and character. Such a gift transcends to the realm of architecture: It speaks to , and lifts high, the human spirit – Uri D.Herscher- Founding president and CEO, Skirbull Cultural Centre

pg 28  – In haifa the young safdie encountered a model of multi ethnic globalism. The modernist terraced housing in which safdie grew up would also exert a profound effect on his architectural sensibility

pg 28 – IN 1953 , after Israel nationalised its textile industry (his father profession), the safdie emigrated to Montreal, where Safdie enrolled in McGill University. He graduted in 1961 with and undergraduate these project for “A Three-dimensional modular building system ”

pg 101 – (talking about Haifa) During the years Safdie spent there, Haifa was what Safdie describes as a coastal, pedestrain “Bauhaus town”… spreading up the hills from downtown where Bauhaus-style buidlings: the city of Safdies youth was built up from legible geomteries, recitlinear volumes, curved balconies, rooftop terraces and patios.

pg 101 – THe land in which Safdie was raised was the, and continues to be, one of the most highly politicised societeis in the world. Most Jewish settlers to Palestine were, like the young Safdie him-self “ardent Zionists” who believed they were creating for Jews a haven from political persecution and social ostracism. Spirited debate and outright conflict about the legitimacy, and the ideal form, of their society were common, both among Jews and between Jews and non-Jews. Safdie still remembers his anger (partly for political reasons) when his parents decided to leave Israel for Montreal, believing that their departure betray Zionism

Team 10 

pg 100 – The centrality of Team 10 to Safdie’s intellectual formation has not been sufficiently appreciated or explored. His refusal to differentiate between architecture and urbanism, his determination to create constructed hierarchies of public and private space, his deliberate attempts to empathise the particularity of place, and his understanding of centrality of cultural identity in architectural design – principles which Safdie learned from growing up in Haifa – were all canoncial tenets of team 10.

pg 100 – Influenced by the emerging discipline of cultural anthropology, these architects believed that buildings must accomodate and make manifest their cultural sepcificty. No style should aspire to be  – indeed, no style could be- “international”. The architect’s tasl was to serve a specific client in a specific community by examining lcoal particularistic patterns of social interaction, along with the immediate built enviroment and the topography and climate of the site.

pg 101 – at Mcgill, Van Ginkel imbued his students with team 10s canoncial tenets: that architecture and urbanism were one, that architecture could not be designed without a larger social vision, that buildings and urban spaces must foster many different forms of social interaction in many different kinds of public spaces, that modernism was inconsistent neither with cultural nor with site specificity. Such ideas resonated profoundly with the politicised, highly idealist young Safdie, who recently had been unwillingly displaced from Haifa, a tightly knit, densely populated city. He knew that architecture and urbanism are one. And as the global citizen he become he understood the incapability of cultural difference

pg 6 – (q from moshe safdie ) Only originality born in the resolution of truly architectural issues contributes to great design.

pg 6 – Three basic and essential elements constitute this distinction (from other art forms) :first purpose – the manner in which architecture accommodates life; second, tectonic … the materiality of architecture and the technology of the building; and third, place = architecture , unlike many other art forms is rooted in time and place. These are the essential constituent parts of architecture: the means by which we translate architectural aspirations into habitable , durable and vital buildings.

pg 6 – for me, design has been a search to produce a compelling spatial geometry in complete harmony with the formal imperatives of the programme, generated by a cohesive resolution of all buildings systems and naturally rooted in its site.

pg 7 – Unlike other art forms, architecture is always perceived in a physical context. Experientially, the work of architecture and its setting are one. Architecture conceived as an addition to the existing urban fabric is the Sine qua non of urbanism. This is also equally true of architecture set in the open landscape – a building cannot be experienced as in dependant of the land in which it is rooted

pg 7 – A buildings language cannot be resolved without taking a position on the issues of continuity versus disruption, of unity versus dissonance. (continuity of le vaux in the louvre vs wright with the guggenheim). One can either invent based on a recognition of similarities and differences a recognition of what constitutes formal , experiential and cultural relationships in a particular place and time – or once can act as if in a vacuum. for me . the latter involves extreme hubris.

pg 8 – Architecture is intrinsically the product both of a share culture and the ideas of an individual . While teaching, i found myself constantly seeking to distinguish those ideas that can be considered collective concepts, which might form a shared theory of architecture, from those that were intrinsically personal… (we should) judge and react to the  multitude of possibility continually present to us.

pg 8 – [obssesion with gardens whilst growing up in haifa overlooking the baha’i gardnes] The glimpse of paradise recurred for me later whenever the ideas of building and garden became one – in Hadrians villas at tivoli and in the garden-building island of Lake maggiore

pg 8 – As cities have intensified, their residents have continued to dream about houses with gardens while living in high-rise apartments. Moved by this plight, I responded with Habitat as a possible modern-day hanging garden – a high-rise city that seeks to satisfy our primeval desire for a garden.

pg 8 – My own attitude have been conditioned by my work in Jerusalem. There for the first time, i was confronted with building a great institution, the Yeshiva Porat Yosef, in the heart oft he historic fabric of the Old City, Unlike the Romans or the Omayyads, Who destroyed and rebuilt whole sections of Jerusalem, i felt awe and respect for the architectural heritage of that place. Could one design a building that belonged there and yet was of today? could one relate to the particular  scale, colours and textures of Jerusalem stone, and to the exuberant, soft, feminine forms of the city domes and vaults? Could one do so without mimicking or producing a stage set of the historic.

pg 10 – [relate this to the spine of yad vashem] The alignment of Jerusalem’s medieval markets was established by the Romans and Byzantines through a grand, colonnaded street, the Cardo, that extended from the northern gate to the southern entrance of the city. Along this spine of urban life every major public building took its place…. Such monumental spines and gateways created a sense of procession that was an indispensable part of the experience of both sacred and secular life.

Michael Sorkin

pg 15 – For Safdie, abstraction is a medium for solving the problems of housing a vibrant daily existence, not an end-all means for representing the character of modern living, It is logical too, that Safdies best post-Habitat work signals a more literal return to Modernism repressed Mediterranean influence, inspired by the glowing simple modularties and complex ensemble of Jerusalem

Paul Goldberger Rebuilding Jerusalem

pg 17 – Moshe Safdies work in Jerusalem is less an architectural oeuvre than a saga. A saga that is very much the story of the city itself since the 197 war: a struggle to make a peace between East and West, between modesty and bold gestures, between the past and the present.

pg 17 [link jaffa with mamilla] While he came into Jerusalem believing that a neighbourhood like mamilla, which lies in front of the jaffa gate beside the old city, could be completely reshape, he has come now to be more concerned with weaving together new and old strands of the urban fabric at a scale that relates comfortably to what has come before, as the final designs for  his sprawling Mamilla project demonstrate.

pg 17 – If there is anything that can be said about all of his Jerusalem work, it is that it is driven by the desire to balance his reaction to particular conditions of this city with the larger architectural impulses; Safdies designs in response to Jerusalem, but he designs in response to Safdie awell .

pg 17 – Safdies professional involvement with Jerusalem began when he was invited there in 1967 to design a version of habitat (wasnt built) … Taking over the design for Yeshiva Porat Yosef  (was his first design) .. Safdies many projects withing the Jewish Quarter … used the glowing Jerusalem stone and echoes the scale and texture of the original buildings of the old city. But their partial half-sphere acrylic bubbles domes, terraces and continual motif of half-round arches made it clear that this was not archaeological architecture committed to replication as the only means of respecting the past.

pg 18 – (talking about the Mimilla project ) The political winds that buffeted the Mamilla project, and delayed its construction for nearly 15 years, ultimately served both it and its architect well. Safdie was wise enough not to fight to preserve the original design; indeed, his own thinking was evolving rapidly at the same time that the project was undergoing public review, and it is fair to say that what ended up being built is less and unwelcome thinking… Safdies chief urban goal was to restore a sense of connection to this area, to open up the valley the form of which has been denied by the pattern of the old neighbourhood.

pg 18 – Safdie ran a major boulevard through the valley, providing and automobile connection between the central business district and the Old City, and terraced up structure on each side of it. On one side the bus terminal is buried under public gardens which themselves serves as a promenade to connect the Jaffa fate with the existing central business district via the new pedestrian shopping street.

pg 21 (childrens and transport memorial) pg 21 – The stunning emotional impact of these memorials renders them different, at least superficially, from safdies other works in Jerusalem. Yet they surely do not emerge from a different view of what architecture is, or what it can mean. Both the memorials, in their intense drama, and the urban porjects, in their search for a viable form of contextualism, are ways of seeking connections, ways in which safdie has tried to make his architecture a part of the large life of the city and , beyond this , to tie it to the history of the Jewish people. The forms may be abstract but the meanin is not . This is architecutre of wholeness, Safdie is telling us – an architecture that aspires to express the fullness of Jerusalem and of the experience of the Jewish people.

 

 

3 citizenships – Israel by birth canada and america

born in 1938 he spent his childhood in haifa on the Mediterranean coast but moved to Montreal Canada to study at mcgill university.

His thesis of redesign the apartment building would make him world famous, becoming habitat 67 , inspired by lego

the nature of his commission often requires turning symbolism into structure

pg 2 – … [T]he physical physical shaping of Tel Aviv and its political and cultural construction are intertwined, and play a decisive role in the construction… in that sense, exploring the story of this archtiectural history of Tel Aviv not only reveals some of the true political colours of both modernist and Israeli architecture, but also demonstrates how history can alter the geography. .

pg 3 – THose who have the power to shape the physical space to suit their needs can easily shape it to suit their values and narrative – not only to obtain for their values and narratives a hegemonic stature, but also in accordance with them, to reshape the city. We may formulate this simple state of things in the following paradoxical rule: a city is always a realization of the stories that it tells about itself.

pg 5 – [1920 there was bauhaus] the Bauhaus Philosophy and International style it advocated was built on the premise that it was possible to sculpt a better and more just world. In 1933, Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany and shut down the academy. Its teachers and students were forced to disperse in all directions. The Jews among them fled to Tel Aviv. Filled with eclectic architecture where they revived the Bauhaus style and built themselves a white city

1984 exhibtiion White city with architects – Erich Mendelsohn, Richard Kaufmann, Dov Karmi, Karl Rubin , Zeev Rechter, Aryeh Sharon, Shmuel Mestechkin and Sam Barkai.

pg 6 – The white City exhibition itself became a definig moment in this story (constructing a architectural history of israeli architecture) and today arguably stands as , if no the central reference point for any debate on Israeli architecture.

pg 8 – Esteher Zandberg portrayed the local International style architecture as neither part o a great historical movement nor a revolutionary aesthetic, but primarily as a useful model for everyday city life, as a vehicle to promote values such as usability, economy , modesty, cleanliness, logic and common sense.

pg 13. This use of the memory of word war II could be considered to be part of another similar and even more important tendency in the Israeli culture of the 1980s, the of the ‘Second Generation’. The idea of a second generation of Holocaust survivors consisted of the late discovery of trauma among the descendants of the Jewish survivors of the Holocaust….. In contrast with the general attitude of repulsion, contempt and even disgust manifested by Israeli society towards the Holocaust survivors since the 1940s, the theme of the second generation was adopted by the White Israeli public with enthusiasm [artist and architects took this on board] enabling Israeli society to wallow in self-victimisation…

pg 21 ^^ – The Ideal Tel Aviv in the White city exhibition catalogue: Engel House, planned by Zeeve Recter, mazeh street 1933. The Engle HOuse is beyond doubt the most emblematic international style building in Tel Aviv. Owing to the novelty of the raised building on pilotis, Tel aviv become a ‘town on pilotis’ according to Aryeh Sharon.

pg 27 – The elasticity of these diaporan Jewish identities stems from the Complexity of the European Frontiers, but also from the movement and migration of Jews between these territories. The preference from the Central European (German or Austrian) among emancipated members of the Jewish elite, rather than an Eastern European identity, can be seen as a reflection of the regions perceive cultural hegemony. [essentially the liked german and Austrain Jew from rich places and not eastern jews from poor places]

pg 28 – [Eastern european architecture looks like] a mixture between Berdicheve and Baghdad’ David Shimonovitz

pg 28 – The city’s modern architecture, on the other hand, was sold as distincitly,unequivically Central European. With this in mind, it is worth nothing that even after the rediscover of the Eastern European modern archtiecture in the wake of the dissolution of the Eastern European bloc, there were no attempts to assoicate the international style of architecture in Tel Aviv with the Eastern European style of modernist architecture.

pg 35 – Indeed , Zionism has odten systematically utilized the most contemporary and radical doctrines of the day to shape its living enviroment – it empolyed the International Style of architecture to settle Tel Aviv and its surrounding areas, manipualted the town models of Le Corbusier as a means of dispersing fresh immigaration in the 1950s and 1960s, and utilised postmodernist doctrines in the 1970s in order to entrench a Jewish Majority in the Old City of Jerusalem

pg 52 – All traditional communities – Christian, Muslim and Jewish alike – centre around concepts of good behaviour, with the aim of translating a basic ethos of righteousness and respect into practical interactions with the Other, And this is precisely wehre teh White city narrative, as an extension of Political Zionism and architectural MODernity (both of which are strongly opposed to notions of tradition,) is different. It is also where , as we shall see, all the human and universal promises made under banners of Political Zionism and architectural modernity are ruthlessly dashed. If there is something anthropomorphic in any piece of architecture and if any building is also a fable of the human beings that built it, then the story of Tel Avis white city reveals clearly how, in the sharpwords of toni Morrison ,the Jews became white

 

Part II – Black City

pg 59 –  The second flaw in the white City Fable is the borderes of reality which frame it . When it becomes impossible to provide political solutions for an existing urban reality and therefore architectural solutions are utilized instead, discourse on that architecture  and that city inevitably become political. In the case of the White City, the narrative appears desperate to confine itself to the architectural, and is heavily reliant on the modernist tradition of the autonomy of artistic discourse as a means of neutralising the political.

pg 60 – Needless to say, one is not expected to pass judgement on oneself, nor is it the job of the municipality to write history – either the history of the city of the history of its architecture. Especially when that history suspiciously slots with great ease in to an existing state system which other tracts of history, geography, archaeology and architecture are all recruited for the ideological education of the population and its army.

pg 61 -after all the pomp and fanfare of the UNESCO celebrations, which were attended by just as many politicians and heads of state as architects and academic commentators, it became clear that the White City story extended beyond any regular discourse on modern architecture and the architecture of Tel Aviv itself. Soon enough, it became part of Tel Avivs official political history and was deemed crucial for understanding the place and purpose of the city within Zionism wider narrative; it told the legend of those warrior ideologues who had rebuilt both the land of Israel and Israeli identity in on fell swoop. As a result, the white city became intrinsically en wrapped in the apologetic of Zionist endeavour on a much grander, state level.

pg 63- The Black City covers everything outside Ahuzate Bayit, represents the city of Jaffa and its environs before the establishment of the state of Israel. The varying shades tell us something about the condition of the orchards after world war 1 , with the lighter areas indicating those plantations which had been damaged, cut down, desiccated or abandoned. Such instances of deterioration had far-reaching consequences because when their Palestinian owners could not economically justify maintaining such unsustainable terrain, Jewish land-agents were on hand to pluck these plots at bargain prices: when the black patches turned white, they also turned Jewish.

pg 64- Everything unwanted in the White City is relegated to the Black City; all the inconveniences of metropolitan infrastructure, such as garbage dumps, sewage pipes … brothers, sex shops, casinos, etc.

pg 81 – Like most other Arab Cities in Palestine During the 19th century, Jaffa housed a tiny Arab-Jewish Minority , who lived in relative harmony beside much larger Arab- Muslim and Arab-Christian Communities. Even though the establishment of Neve Tzedek in 1887 and Ahuzat Bayit in 1909 proved critical in encouraging separatist aspirations and calls for a Jewish nation, Coexistence between Arabs and Jew had continued beside, and in spite of, These fledgling Zionist Settlements…. Any sense of tranquillity was promptly shattered, however, with the British conquest of Palestine in 1917 and the signing of the Balfour Declaration of November 2 that same year. In one fell swoop , this act of betrothal dramatically altered the political horizons for the Jewish population living in the region and for the burgeoning Zionist movement at large.

pg 82 -As in turns out , the Zionist movement would benefit most from the unlikely dalliance (with the British); leaning on the British colonial machine, they were able to lay down a foundational infrastructure for the future State of Israel and prepare logistically for the ware in 1948 which would guarantee their Independence.

pg 82 – Floods of Jewish immigrants arrivign from Easter Europe after world war 1 known as the Third aliya had only increased what wsa fast becoming a serious housing crisis. In the short period of sept 1920 and may 1921 , 10,000 jewish immigrants entered through zion. (why jews wanted arabs out ) .

pg 92 – [British masterplanning when came in to power in 1930 < look up date ]. The ruling British government did more for the country infrastructure that the state of Israel has done in all its years of existence. In may ways, then, Building the state of Israel was actually more of a British project than an Israeli Project.

pg 98 – According to the United Nation’s decision on November 29 , 1947, which divided the country between Jews and Arabs, Jaffa would be granted the special status of an independent palestinian enclave within a future Jewish state. But only five months later, on April 25, Jaffa was attached and by the time it surrendered on may 13, the city had already been massively destroyed…. In the months between the United Nations ruling and the declaration of the State of Israel on May 15, 1948, the country was brought to a state of civil war;

pg 105 – The City’s surrender (Jaffa City) on MAy 13, 1948, thwo days before the founding of the State of ISrael, is politically relevant because it proves that ‘Israel’ (or least the Zionist forces that would soon come to represent Israel) breached the strict terms of the U.N. partition agreement

pg 106. The almost complete disappearance of Jaffa’s Palestinian community, which had constituted roughly 97 percent of the city population as  a whole even in late 1947, was just as unnerving as the city physical destruction.

pg 108 – The Palestinians of Jaffa had been forced into exile in much the same way Jewish communities throughout history had been repeatedly driven from their own homes and villages. And just as in these cases of Jewish expulsion, when the Palestinians of Jaffa were exiled, their culture, economy, government and history was thrown out  with them. Within days the community had melted away, almost as if it had never existed in the first place.

pg 110 – The new state of Israel devoted its energies and resources to bulldozing ancient, Arab jaffa. This involved both the physical overhauling of city spaces and the nullification of those symbols and images which had previously imbued them with charge. All Palestinian social, cultural and historical content was decanted and the empty shell was refilled with a triumphant Zionist mythology.

pg 124 -[[ maybe in with moshe safde work ?]] In November 1962 a govermental-municipal corporation , ‘ahuzat Hahof’ (estates of the beach), was established. The first thing ahuzat Hahof did was to initiate an international open-call competition for the design of the area – bounded by Allenby street in the north-east, Eilat street in the south-west and the coastline adjoining the two. The idea was to encourage planners to make full use of Manshieh’s 2,400 dunams (2.4 sqkm) and include public and municipal buildings, shopping commerec areas, office towers thousand of new homes , centres of leisure and entertainments and open public spaces.

pg 128 – [[power brings architecture]] The cherry on the top of this grisly exercise in pulverisation was the establishment of the Sir Charles Clore Park, which would only be completed in the 1970s. Named after the British financier who had donated large sums to the new state of Israel and design by Hillel Omer, the landscape architect, it was another layer on the flattened mound of what had once been the neighbourhood of Manshieh. Again , Zionism had made the desert bloom ; only this time the grass was artificial and coloured green.

White City, Black City and A Rainbow

pg 158 – The White city story Progress chapter by chapter, decade by decade: in 1984 there was the White city exhibition, in 1994 the Bauhaus in Tel Aviv events, and in may and June 2004 a calendar of celebrations in honour of UNESCO’s declaration of the city as a world heritage site. Once again the city celebrated itself with dedicatory events as Bauhaus-themed publications, Honorary conventions, commemorative ceremonies and guided walking tours all satiated the municipality. News of the UNESCO victory spread thick and fast through an unrelenting stream of catalogues, flags, pins and festive weekend supplements in the local newspaper

http://www.yadvashem.org/press-release/23-january-2014-15-39

pg 161 – Perhaps more than any other architectural tradition, Israeli architecture has a tendencey to reveal its own politics. The story of the international canonization of the White City of Tel Aviv hardly deviates from this rule. THe white City’s Journey , from the lowly exhbition to global certificaiton, even demonstrates how Israeli architecture unveiled, rehashed and manipulated other political economies; in this instance, the poltiics of UNESCO and the poltics of international architecture. From the Israeli stanpoint. the practical meaning of the UNESCO declaration is that TEL Aviv is obliged publicly, vis-a-vis the world, to realize its own designation as a white city… [so] what exactly did Tel Aviv promise UNESCO when it accepted its stamp of approval? Essentially, it promised to be white, to bleach itself clean.

pg 179 – A visit to any public park in the southern neighbourhoods proves that the future is already here; [black city ] the children that play together in Levinksy Park are made up of an eclectic mix of secular Jew, Religious Jews, Palestinians, Russians,Ethiopians,Chine…. Their city has nothing to do with the “white city” narrative. the Ethnic purification programmes which continue to terrorise their neighbourhoods and the families is proof enough that, in contradiction to the claims made by Dani Karavan, the White city has yet to defeat the tenets of Nazism.

 

 

 

 

 

 

pg 73 – A staging of Yad Vashems redemptive narrative that relies on architecture as well as on photography is the Hall of Names, a circular hall that appears at the end of  the Holocaust History Museum. The Hall of Names functions both as an archive, housing the pages of Testimony collection, and as a memorial to Jewish Holocaust victims. The Pages of Testimony project was begun in the mid-1950s and continues today to work toward collecting the names, short biographies, and photographs of all Jewish holocaust victims;currently, there are more than two million pages, and the hall of names possess enough space for six million. Yad vashem describes these pages and photographs as symbolic tombstones,and the project will be complete only when every Jewish victim has been remembered. The documentation of faces and names is an act of remembrance and therefore already a sacred ritual in Judaism. But the hall of names also reaches beyond its function as a repository of memory. In the centre of the Hall of names are two large cones, one extending downward through the mountain bedrock and ending in a base filled with water, and the other rising up over 32 feet toward the ceiling and skylight. Inside the upward-extending cone are some six hundred photos of Jewish holocaust victims

pg 99-100 – Their engagement in the ritual of remembrance imbues the photographs with a particular power- the power that Freeberg describes as “living presence.” Freedberg argues thatimages acquire their efficacy, their power to evoke the living presence of an absent person or deity, “only following some act of consecration or another,which invests the ‘mere’ materiality of the…image with powers not attributable to the material object itself.” With the phrase “living presence,” Freedberg refers to the power of certain images to promote the belief that “the bodies represented on or in them somehow have the status of living bodies”[freedberg,power of images, 32,12]. IN the context of hall of names and the names project, the power of living presence strengthens the ability of viewers to empathise and even identify with the victims.

pg 18  The so-called hierophany in museum space is often signalled through thresholds, passageways, or distinct boundaries, including staircases. For example, entering the Children memorial at Yad Vashem, visitors must descent between walls of Jerusalem stone into a tunnel, which leads into an underground cavern, During this descent, they experience a series of changes in light, temperature, and physical orientation. The tunnel ritually symbolises passage from one realm into another as visitors enter the sacred space of memorisation .

 

pg 103 – The memorials installed from 1953 until the late 1970S are either figural or minimalist in style and focus on the fighters, heroes, and martyrs of the Holocaust. Those installed since the 1980s,in contrast, tend to be conceptual or installationoriented, often employing visual strategies of absence and disorientation-what one may call postmodern approaches-and are dedicated to the victims and survivors of the Holocaust

105 – Yadvashem’s figural Wall ofRemembrance, a modified copy of Nathan Rapoport’s Warsaw Ghetto Uprising Monument (1948), epitomizes Zionist ideology: it embodies a heightened contrast between the passive old Jews and the fighting new Jews, thereby heroizing the resistance fighters. Until the 1990S, the relief of the fighters functioned as a sign for YadVashem as a whole (and was on the cover of the 1967YadVashem information pamphlet, reprinted until the 1980s). It is located on the square of the same name where Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Day takes place, Signifying a work to be viewed by large groups of people. Groups or representatives of groups are expected to leave the memorial with a sense of pride in the ghetto fighters and a clear message of Israeli strength. An acknowledgement of the difficulties ofsurvivors or sympathy for victims is markedly absent

107-108- ‘ Only the fighters, Bar-On states, were lauded and made welcome: “In the political atmosphere of the War of Independence, there was a tendency to legitimise only those who fought in the ghetto uprisings or with the partisans.”The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising became a principal element in the developing myth of heroism in Israel’s 1948War of Independence-the order calling for national mobilization even cited the uprising as a heroic Jewish precedent.

pg111- Bernie Fink’s Memorial to the Jewish Soldiers and Partisans Who Fought against Nazi Germany (1985) is dedicated to the Jewish heroes of the Holocaust who fought against the Nazis as Allied soldiers, as partisans, in the resistance movements, and in the ghettos. Even during the changing atmosphere regarding opinions about the Holocaust in the mid- 1980s,YadVashem still filled its function as a memorial dedicated to “heroes and martyrs.” Six great, oblong, hexagonal granite blocks (representing the six million) rest in two stacks of three, forming an opening in the shape of a Jewish star.The monument stands in front of a tiered sunken plaza in the shape of the menorah, recalling ancient Jewish rebellion. Clearly symbolic elements heighten the connections to heroism, while the imposing sleek forms are linked, as is Schwartz’s memorial, to minimalism. Fink’s memorial was built just on the cusp of a historical moment when attitudes were beginning to change radically

pg 112- 115 .Upon entering the memorial, the visitor passes a large. mounted square of clear glass, inscribed to the memory of the children, and walks into a bunkerlike tunnel that leads to a hollowed-out underground cavern. On the right hangs a plaque of Uziel Spiegel, Abraham and Edita Spiegel’s son. Through a door and around the bend, the visitor is greeted by atonal music and a recorded recitation in English and Hebrew of children’s names, ages, and places of origin, coinciding with large-format photographic portraits of children. They appear to represent a range of nationalities and religious backgrounds. A small door allows people to enter Single file and leads to a darkened room. Reflected in mirrors, five memorial candles splinter into millions oflights. The Talmud states that souls of unburied dead never find rest in their endless wanderings about the universe, and the reflecting flames are for Safdie “the souls of the children.t'< A path leads visitors single-file through the space: As the room is disorienting and filled with both darkness and light, it might very well be the kind of visual code that Laub and Podell speak of when they write that art about trauma is marked by empty spaces, disorientation, and discomfort.e- The change in attitudes in Israel allowed viewers to accept the visual metaphors and aesthetic codes employed in the Children’s Memorial. Regardless of visitors’ reactions (some have called it “pure kitsch”), the memorial clearly does not depict Zionism in the guise of ghetto fighters. The move toward sympathizing with the-innocent victims who were not fighters coincided with an acceptance ofsurvivors and their stories that started in the early 196o~ with the Eichmann trial. These attitudes visually coalesced in Safdie’s memorial in 1987.’when trauma had become an accepted medical condition for which the survivors and their families were treated. The psychotherapist Dina Wardi describes the role children play in family memory and inherited trauma. The sign of the candle, for instance, takes on heightened significance when viewed in terms of Israeli psychotherapeutic practice that addresses trauma. While ‘candles in the Children’s Memorial signify deceased children, the metaphor of the candle more broadly signifies the memory of deceased family members in survivors’ families. About the work Safdie said: “The more I entered the material, the more I became convinced that what was needed was a ner neshama, a memotial candle, multiplied to infinity through its mirror imag’e.”45 A ner neshema, in the Jewish tradition, is a sign for the dead. Wardi describes the role of children of Holocaust survivors who are singled out to represent those who died in the Holocaust. Following ancient Jewish tradition, children often bear the names of dead relatives.When named after relatives who died in the Holocaust, she explains, these children, whom she calls “memorial candles,” often bear the burden of Holocaust mourning for the entire family. Wardi observes that survivors often Single out one child to bear the burden of memory and death. That child often functions as a metaphor on whom parents unload their needs and conflicts.s” Survivors considered the establishment of new families a response to the central element in the Nazi plan: to exterminate all Jews of Europe, and very important, mothers and children. “I was born in 1946, “relates one survivor, “I have three given names: Arye, Zvi, Moshe, and three family names. I am actually carrying the whole family around-on my shoulders.”47The other children in the family, at least consciously freed of these burdens, grow up to have semi-normal lives, while the memorial-candle child often has trouble with relationships, careers, and family.The memorial candle is the emotional healer, while the Siblings are the physical healers, establishing their own families and thus “rebuilding” entire families.t” Bar-On contributes to this research by demonstrating that not only the memorial-candle children, but also their Siblings bear the burden of memory and trauma.t? Classical memory theory orders images in empty spaces (such as empty buildings) , so as to ensure better memory. In the case of the memorial candle, the memory of a dead relative is “shelved,” so to say, on the body of a living child, and memory spaces become a kind of memory body, for which there seems to be no precedent.P It might be safe to say, followingWardi, that the memorialcandle child functions for the parents as a continual, if rarely expressed, shock of past trauma. A memorial for victims who are children is easier to make than a memorial for victims who are adults-and it is here that this memorial comes close to fulfilling what Bennett calls the “moralizing” function of works of art that clearly spell out “good” victims versus “evil” perpetrators, thereby leaving the position of the viewer allied with the victim and never contemplating his or her potentiality for sadistic behavior.” In this instance, children obviously are not able to lead a resistance fight; their passivity is accepted as morally right and just. One could argue that the memorial embodies Zionist ideology that heroizes the fighter and blames the victim-the only reason these victims are not blamed is because they are children.P If the tradition of private mourning existed in the naming process described above, a more public shift in attitudes slowly developed. Bar-On’s study of Israeli families coincided with a noticeable change in Israeli society in the ‘970S and ‘980s, marked by a less judgmental attitude toward Holocaust survivors and a need to speak: “Acknowledgment of complex emotional processes, of the need for self-actualization, and of differences between individuals and generations came about only in the seventies and eighties. A more mature society emerged, which learned to acknowledge the high cost of previous patterns.l’P